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Connolly, P. and Keenan, M. (2001) The
Hidden Truth: Racist Harassment in Northern Ireland (Report
3). Belfast: Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency.
Introduction
Previous research has shown that racist harassment is a significant
part of life for many minority ethnic people living in Northern
Ireland. Just under a half (44%) have experienced verbal abuse while
just under a third (29%) have experienced criminal damage to their
property and one in ten have actually been physically assaulted
because of their racial identity.
This report aims to get beneath these overall figures to document
minority ethnic people's experiences of racist harassment and the
ways in which it effects their lives. It draws upon data from indepth
interviews with 101 minority ethnic people from across Northern
Ireland and drawn from the four largest groups in the region: Chinese,
Travellers1, South Asians and Black Africans.
The report also attempts to gain a better understanding of the
causes of racist harassment. In doing this it draws upon data from
an attitudinal survey of 1267 people drawn randomly from across
Northern Ireland together with data from nine indepth focus group
discussions with members of the white, majority population.
The report is the third of four due to be published this year.
The reports arise from a major research study into the nature and
effects of racism in Northern Ireland conducted by the present authors,
commissioned by the Inter-Departmental Social Steering Group and
managed by the Equality Unit Research Branch within the Office of
the First Minister and Deputy First Minister.
Summary of Main Findings
The main findings to arise from the report are:
Racist harassment in Northern Ireland
This report uses the definition of racist harassment proposed in
the recent EU Race Directive that defines it as unwanted conduct
related to racial or ethnic origin that takes place with the purpose
or effect of violating the dignity of a person and of creating an
intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment.
This definition is purposely used to stress the many different
forms that racist harassment can take, from overt and intentional
acts of abuse to more subconscious and unintentional actions. With
this in mind, a distinction is made between direct and indirect
forms of racist harassment.
Direct racist harassment
The report identified three principle forms of direct racist harassment
experienced by minority ethnic people in the region: verbal abuse,
criminal damage to property and physical abuse. What unites these
differing activities is the motivation on the part of those involved
to purposely violate the dignity of an individual because of their
racial identity by acting in a hostile and intimidating manner towards
them.
The research has shown that such incidents are essentially unprovoked
and random. They can occur at any time and in any specific context.
Minority ethnic interviewees, for example, have reported being verbally
and/or physically harassed while walking down the street, while
shopping in the city centre, while at train stations, on the bus
and while driving.
In relation to racist name-calling, a further distinction is made
between ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ verbal abuse. Cold
name-calling reflects a ‘cold’ and calculated desire
on the part of the perpetrator to intentionally harass someone because
of their racial identity. In contrast, ‘hot’ name-calling
is more likely to occur at the ‘heat of the moment’,
often when the perpetrator feels challenged and/or vulnerable themselves.
Such a distinction between ‘hot’ and ‘cold’
racist name-calling is not meant to imply that one is any less serious
than the other in terms of its impact upon minority ethnic people.
Rather, it is to illustrate the fact that people will tend to engage
in racist abuse for different reasons. In the case of ‘hot’
name-calling, the use of racist abuse may not therefore represent
an initial intention to harass others.
Overall, the fact that direct racist harassment can occur anywhere
and at any time can only result in a tendency for minority ethnic
people to generally feel vulnerable and victimised within this society.
That such forms of harassment can occur in extremely public and
open places, largely without any intervention from those around,
tends to underline minority ethnic people’s sense of social
exclusion and their position as second-class citizens.
Indirect racist harassment
Within this overall context of relatively routine incidents of
direct racist harassment, the report argues that there is a need
to recognise the existence of an additional set of processes that
tend to feed into and reinforce the violation of dignity experienced
by many minority ethnic people. However, as opposed to direct racist
harassment, these processes are distinguished by the fact that they
are more likely to be subconscious and covert and where the racial
motivation is either in doubt or completely unintentional.
It is argued in the report that such forms of indirect racist harassment
as it has been termed can take on a variety of different forms.
Four particular forms are highlighted in the report as an illustration.
The first has been termed racial distancing and represents those
social occasions where minority ethnic people feel that those around
them cannot see past their racial identity. It can often be reflected
in prolonged stares, silences and/or avoiding behaviours. While
such actions may well simply reflect an awkwardness and/or curiosity
on the part of those involved, its effects are nevertheless to contribute
to an intimidating and at times hostile environment for many minority
ethnic people.
A second form of indirect racist harassment is benign ignorance.
This can often occur between white, settled people and their minority
ethnic colleagues and/or acquaintances. It represents often well-meaning
comments that are intended to encourage conversation but which,
often unintentionally, betray an ignorance about the culture and/or
lifestyle of the minority ethnic person involved. Again, such actions
tend to make minority ethnic people feel degraded and/or humiliated
in terms of their racial identity.
A third form of indirect racist harassment identified in the report
is racist bantering. Many of the white, settled interviewees were
at pains to stress the ‘friendly’ nature of banter (or
‘slagging’ as it is also called) and how its use tends
to reflect an acceptance of the person subject to it. However, the
report shows that there is in reality very little distinction between
‘friendly’ racial banter and racist abuse.
For the most part, minority ethnic people do not tend to perceive
such racial jokes and ‘slagging’ as good humoured. Moreover,
the data suggest that the underlying motivations of those involved
is also highly questionable. The report argues for the need for
racist bantering to be regarded as unacceptable and as a special
form of bantering that is ultimately offensive and that should not
be tolerated.
The final form of indirect racist harassment highlighted in the
report has been termed deracialised harassment. It represents those
instances where certain minority ethnic groups feel that they are
disproportionately targeted for certain anti-social and/or criminal
activity even though the motivations of those involved are unclear
and/or where ‘race’ is not explicitly mentioned. Examples
of such could include the perception among the Chinese community
that they are more likely to be the victims of robberies because
they are regarded as a ‘soft target’.
Overall, while a number of different examples of indirect racist
harassment have been outlined and discussed in the report, what
tends to unite them is the way they can contribute to the violation
of minority ethnic people's dignity through creating and/or reinforcing
an environment that is intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating
and/or offensive.
While some of the examples discussed may not appear to be as serious
and/or important compared to the more direct incidents of verbal
and physical assault, it is their cumulative and long-term effects
that are important. Taken together, the many different forms of
direct and indirect racist harassment combine in a powerful way
to underwrite minority ethnic people’s sense of vunerability
and victimisation and thus ensure that many live a life of apprehension,
if not fear.
Minority ethnic people’s responses to racist harassment
In exploring some of the consequences of racist harassment on the
lives of minority ethnic people, the report identifies four core
responses that they tend to adopt. The first is toleration whereby
minority ethnic people attempt to either ignore or downplay the
significance of the harassment they experience.
A second, and much less common response is retaliation. In this
case, minority ethnic people would attempt to challenge those who
have verbally or physically abused them. As some of the incidents
discussed in the report show, however, this is often a dangerous
strategy and one that can lead to more serious physical assault.
A third response is to report the incident either to the school
(in the case of children in education) or to the police. However,
the data suggest that the responses received by those who have chosen
to report the incident can vary enormously, particularly in relation
to individual schools, indicating a lack of consistency of practice.
Finally, a common response to racist harassment among minority
ethnic people is avoidance - the tendency to try to avoid it altogether.
This often means avoiding walking through certain areas or visiting
certain social settings. While an understandable response, it is
one that is of concern given the fact that it may lead to minority
ethnic people feeling unable to access a range of facilities and
services for fear of harassment.
The perpetrators of racist harassment
The report also examines the evidence to ascertain the characteristics
of those most likely to engage in racist harassment. In relation
to direct racist harassment, the report identified two key social
groupings: groups of children, especially boys, aged 10-17; and
groups of young males aged 18-35. While both are likely to engage
in verbal abuse, the former is more likely to harass minority ethnic
people in the street and throw objects at them and the latter is
more likely to commit more serious acts of physical assault.
In terms of indirect racist harassment, the characteristics of
the perpetrators would appear to be less easily identifiable and
more likely to occur in any social grouping. However, within this,
there does seem to be a tendency for younger people to be involved
in racist bantering and older people in the process of racial distancing.
Overall, however, the report stresses that these are only broad
tendencies that have been identified. The data suggests that any
form of racist harassment – whether direct or indirect –
can take place within any social grouping.
Racist harassment and male sub-cultures
The report also examines some of the key elements of the sub-cultures
of boys and young men that can help to explain why these particular
groups are more likely to perpetrate acts of direct racist harassment.
It is argued that racist harassment is not something additional
to their social worlds but is, rather, simply a logical extension
of their general attitudes and behaviour.
More specifically, it would seem that boys and young men tend to
draw upon ‘race’ as a resource to use within their general
competitive, bantering and aggressive behaviour. In other words,
racial prejudice provides the context within which boys and young
men tend to target their aggressive and initimidatory behaviour
at minority ethnic people.
Attitudes underpinning indirect racist harassment
It is much more difficult to draw any firm conclusions regarding
the attitudes that tend to underpin indirect racist harassment given
its diverse nature and forms. However, it would certainly seem that
in terms of racial distancing, much of this behaviour would appear
to stem simply from a lack of understanding and/or a well-meaning
attitude.
However, it is interesting to note that some of the key attitudes
that underpin the more subtle and indirect forms of racist harassment
are very similar to those underpinning the direct racist harassment
perpetrated predominantly by boys and young men. At its most basic
level, this was found to be based upon some notion of territory
and a feeling that minority ethnic people represented a threat to
that territory.
It is suggested in the report that while the forms that direct
and indirect racist harassment take may be very different, they
do therefore tend to be based upon a very similar core set of attitudes
and beliefs. In other words, the attitudes that influence the actions
of those who verbally or physically attack minority ethnic people
are actually little different in principle from those that influence
the more subconscious and subtle processes of racial distancing
such as staring at and/or avoiding minority ethnic people in public.
Recommendations
In considering the implications of these findings for developing
strategies to address racist harassment, the report makes a number
of recommendations:
Direct Racist Harassment
1. All employers and service providers, whether public or private,
should develop a clear and explicit strategy for dealing with incidents
of racist harassment that occur within their areas of responsibility.
Such a strategy should:
- publicise the policy, making it clear to all concerned what
racist harassment is and thus what is regarded as unacceptable
behaviour;
- set out the consequences for those who engage in such behaviour
in relation to disciplinary procedures and/or the application
of sanctions where applicable; and
- include effective mechanisms for offering guidance and support
to those subject to racist harassment.
In the absence of a broader guide on racist harassment (see Recommendation
2 below), organisations and institutions are advised to consult
the Equality Commission for Northern Ireland's Racial Harassment
at Work: What Employers Can Do About It (2000) to help inform the
overall development of such strategies.
2. The Equality Commission for Northern Ireland should produce
a general guide on combating racist harassment of relevance to a
wide range of organisations, institutions and agencies within both
the statutory and voluntary sectors as well as social and community
groups. The guide should:
- Offer a clear outline of what racist harassment is and the serious
effects it has on the lives of minority ethnic people;
- Set out general principles that should guide the development
of policies to combat racist harassment; and
- Identify a number of case studies, representing differing organisations
and settings, and provide more practical and specific guidance
on how racist harassment might best be addressed in relation to
these.
3. The Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM),
in conjunction with the Equality Commission for Northern Ireland
should consult with minority ethnic organisations to identify what
needs currently exist in relation to offering confidential and independent
advice and support to those who are subject to racist harassment.
The OFMDFM and the Equality Commission should ensure that they
develop a co-ordinated and strategic approach to providing sufficient
core funding to help support and develop existing services offered
through minority ethnic organisations to meet the need that exists.
Alongside supporting direct services, funding should also be made
available to enable such organisations to play a more strategic
role in effectively monitoring developments and making proposals,
where necessary, regarding further changes and improvements to the
services that do exist.
Indirect Racist Harassment
4. An intercultural dimension should run throughout the Northern
Ireland Curriculum to increase pupils' awareness of racism and to
develop their understanding of and respect for cultural diversity.
To facilitate this, it is recommended that the CCEA should:
- Ensure that intercultural education is given due prominence
in the new Northern Ireland Curriculum that is currently being
developed through the curriculum review; and
- Develop further and carefully pilot a comprehensive set of intercultural
resources for teachers to use across the range of subjects and
within all four key stages.
5. The Equality Commission for Northern Ireland should take responsibility
for facilitating, co-ordinating and monitoring a broader educational
strategy aimed at reducing racial prejudice and promoting good race
relations in the region. While including a focus on the diverse
range of minority ethnic groups that exist, a particular emphasis
should be place on Travellers.
The Commission should consider including the following within such
a strategy:
- A Specific media campaign (including television and radio adverts,
posters and leaflets); and
- The production of training resources for use by youth and community
groups.
6. As part of the broader educational strategy recommended above
(see Recommendation 5), the Equality Commission for Northern Ireland
should include a specific focus on racist banter. Such a focus should
aim to highlight the negative effects of racist bantering and to
encourage people to regard it as an activity that is unacceptable
and should not be tolerated in any form. Initially, the campaign
should be targeted at younger people but should be broad enough
to appeal to the population as a whole.
7. The RUC should undertake and/or commission research to ascertain
the extent of the problem with regard to what has been identified
in this report as the 'deracialised harassment' of minority ethnic
people. More specifically, this could include a comparative study
to identify whether minority ethnic businesses (especially in catering
and retail) tend to be the targets of greater levels of criminal
behaviour and activity than other similar businesses within the
majority, white population. The findings of the research should
provide the basis for the RUC to work closely with the minority
ethnic communities involved to develop effective structures and
strategies to deal with the criminal activity they experience.
Community work with boys and young men
8. The Department of Education, in conjunction with the Youth Service,
should review existing initiatives being undertaken with boys and
young men. Such a review should form the basis from which a more
coordinated strategy is developed in relation to addressing the
violent and negative sub-cultures that can exist among boys and
young men.
While the strategy should be broad-based, it should include specific
work on racism and racist harassment.
Inter-agency forum on racist harassment
9. The Government should establish an inter-agency forum with the
aim of driving forward a co-ordinated strategy to tackle racist
harassment in Northern Ireland. The lead department/agency to take
overall responsibility for the forum should be a matter for the
Government to decide.
The forum should comprise representatives from all appropriate
government departments, agencies and other relevant organisations.
It should also include representatives from the main minority ethnic
organisations and communities in the region.
Among its key responsibilities, the forum should:
- Facilitate effective communication and inter-agency working
among those departments, agencies and organisations represented;
- establish effective mechanisms centrally for recording and monitoring
incidents of racist harassment in Northern Ireland; and
- ensure that appropriate mechanisms are developed for encouraging
individuals to report incidents of racist harassment as well as
offering them effective support when they do.
Note
1 For convenience, the term ‘Travellers’ is used throughout
this report to refer to people identified as ‘Irish Travellers’
in the Race Relations (NI) Order 1997. The Order defines such people
as: ‘a community of people … who are identified (both
by themselves and by others) as people with a shared history, culture
and traditions including, historically, a nomadic way of life on
the island of Ireland’.
Copies of the Report
Copies of the full report can be obtained from the:
Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency
Corporate Branch
McAuley House
2-14 Castle Street
Belfast
BT1 1SA
Tel. (028) 9034 8100
Cheques for £10.00 (including postage and packaging within
the UK) should be crossed and made payable to the Department of
Personnel and Finance.
ISBN 1 899203 44 3
September 2001
© Crown Copyright
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